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How Big Will Youth Vote Be? – Gallup

October 22, 2008

Young Voters Favor Obama, but How Many Will Vote?

Still lag behind older voters on key turnout indicators

by Frank Newport and Jeffrey M. Jones

PRINCETON, NJ — Although Barack Obama leads John McCain by almost 30 percentage points among 18- to 29-year-old registered voters, these younger voters are still less likely than older voters to report being registered to vote, paying attention to the election, or planning to vote this year.

Obama is clearly the favored candidate among young voters, while Obama and McCain are much more competitive among the older age groups.

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Obama leads McCain by 62% to 34% among registered voters 18 to 29 years of age, based on Gallup Poll Daily tracking interviewing conducted Oct. 1-20. That’s a much larger margin than in any other age group. Among those aged 30 to 49, Obama maintains a 6-point margin. His lead is similar among voters between the ages of 50 and 64 (7 points). The two candidates are essentially tied among senior citizens. (Over this same period, Obama is leading McCain among all registered voters by 9 points, 51% to 42%.)

This strength of support for a Democratic presidential nominee among the youth is not a new phenomenon. In Gallup’s final poll before the 2004 election, the Democratic nominee John Kerry received 59% of the support of 18- to 29-year-old registered voters, while the Republican George W. Bush received 36% support. That compared to the overall sample of registered voters in which Kerry was leading Bush by 2 points, 48% to 46%. (Bush led Kerry among likely voters by 49% to 47%.)

Despite the skew among 18- to 29-year-old voters toward Obama, it’s important to note that their vote is not monolithically for the Democratic nominee. A general increase in voting among younger voters will bring one McCain voter to the polls for every two Obama voters. Thus, a general increased turnout among the under-30 voting group will increase Obama’s overall percentage of the vote, but most likely not as dramatically as would, for example, increased turnout among black voters, of whom 9 out of 10 prefer Obama.

There is evidence of an increase in new-voter registration and potentially higher participation among young voters given Obama’s appeal. But to what extent can Gallup’s large daily tracking samples provide insight into whether younger voters will in fact vote at high rates? Based on Oct. 14-20 tracking data, which include interviews with more than 6,500 registered voters, 18- to 29-year-olds still lag well behind older voters on key predictors of turnout.

At the most basic level, younger voters are significantly less likely than those who are older to report that they are registered to vote.

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This is not a surprising finding. Young people are more mobile, less likely to have a permanent residence, and in general less plugged in to the political system. This year, there has been discussion about efforts to register young people (on college campuses, for example), but these data suggest that those in the under-30 group have a way to go before they are registered at the same rates as those who are older, particularly those aged 50 and above.

The data also show that younger voters, despite the sense that they are deeply involved in the political process this year, are less likely than those who are older to say they have given quite a lot of thought to the election.

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Perhaps most importantly, younger voters are much less likely to self-report that they are likely to vote. One of Gallup’s series of likely voter questions asks respondents to place themselves on a 1 to 10 scale, where 10 means they will definitely vote and 1 means they definitely will not vote. The results show that those under 30 are significantly less likely to put themselves in the 9 or 10 position (definitely or almost definitely likely to vote) than is the case among their elders.

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Gallup has found similar patterns by age in past elections, and the current data suggest younger voters still have a way to go to match the levels of registration, interest, and intention to vote of older Americans. That is not to rule out the possibility that young voters’ propensity to vote could increase in the final two weeks of the campaign, or that massive Democratic “get out the vote” efforts on Election Day could motivate many latent Obama supporters to officially register that preference in the voting booth.

Likely Voter Models

Gallup has used these measures — in addition to measures of past voting behavior — to identify likely voters in past elections, and these have proven successful in estimating the overall popular vote for president.

Because younger voters are less likely to answer these turnout-indicator questions in a way that would have Gallup identify them as likely voters this year, their share of the likely voting electorate as of mid-October appears as if it will be similar to what it has been in past elections.

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Note that the proportion of 18- to 29-year-olds in the likely voter sample is similar even based on Gallup’s “expanded” likely voter model, which takes into account only a respondent’s current voting intention, and thus would give infrequent or new voters the same chance of being defined as a likely voter as those who vote regularly.

The expanded likely voter model’s estimate of the share of 18- to 29-year-olds in the electorate is only slightly higher than the estimate of Gallup’s “traditional” likely voter model. The traditional model is based on respondents’ current voting intentions and their past voting behavior, and although it does include adjustments for those who were too young to vote in the last presidential election, it would to some degree underestimate infrequent voters or new voters who could have voted in past elections but did not.

Turnout Estimates

Obama maintains a significant lead among 18- to 29-year-olds using both likely voter models — 60% to 37% using the expanded model, but a more narrow 54% to 42% using the traditional model, according to Oct. 14-20 tracking data. Among all likely voters over this period, Obama averaged a 51% to 44% lead in the expanded model and 49% to 46% in the traditional model. (Obama’s lead has increased slightly in recent days in both models.)

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But what would happen if younger voters do make up a greater share of the electorate this year than what the Gallup likely voter models currently suggest — as, for example, would happen if there is a surge of younger voters responding to massive “get out the vote” efforts?

The accompanying table compares the Obama-McCain results among all likely voters 1) as estimated by Gallup; 2) assuming 18- to 29-year-olds will make up 18% of the electorate; and 3) assuming a surge of young voter turnout that increases their share of the electorate to a record 21% (with the three other age groups’ shares dropping by a point each).

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These simulations suggest that Obama’s share of the vote would increase only if young voter turnout is much higher than it has been in the past, and at that, he gains only 1 percentage point. That is the case in both the expanded and traditional likely voter models, even though the expanded model gives young Americans and infrequent voters the same chance of being counted as likely voters as it gives Americans with a reliable voting history. McCain’s share of the vote could decline by 2 points if turnout is higher among young voters, but only if the assumptions of the expanded model hold — that is, that new and infrequent voters with strong voting intentions are just as likely to vote as are seasoned voters with the same intentions.Bottom Line

Gallup Poll daily tracking suggests that 18- to 29-year-olds are not nearly as likely as older voters to be registered to vote, to say they are thinking about the election, or to express strong intentions to vote. Thus, as of mid-October, there is not convincing evidence in the Gallup data that young voters will in fact vote at higher rates than in past elections. But even if things change over the next two weeks and many more young adults do become motivated to vote, turnout alone would do little to change the candidates’ overall support, according to Gallup’s likely voter models.

Gallup will continue to monitor the responses of 18- to 29-year-olds to the likely voter questions between now and Election Day to see whether the current situation changes.

Survey Methods

Results are based on telephone interviews with 7,063 national adults, aged 18 and older, which were conducted Oct. 14-20 as part of Gallup Poll Daily tracking. For results based on the total sample of national adults, one can say with 95% confidence that the maximum margin of sampling error is ±1 percentage point.

For results based on the sample of 604 adults aged 18 to 29, the maximum margin of sampling error is ±4 percentage points.

For results based on the sample of 6,508 registered voters, the maximum margin of sampling error is ±1 percentage point.

For results based on the sample of 484 registered voters aged 18 to 29, the maximum margin of sampling error is ±5 percentage points.

Interviews are conducted with respondents on land-line telephones (for respondents with a land-line telephone) and cellular phones (for respondents who are cell-phone only).

In addition to sampling error, question wording and practical difficulties in conducting surveys

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No cavalry coming for McCain

Jonathan Martin Jonathan Martin Wed Oct 22, 5:27 am ET

McCain raises specter of nuclear war

AFP/Getty Images – John McCai, seen here at a rally in Moon Township, Pennsylvania, has raised the specter of nuclear war …

For the GOP, the cavalry apparently isn’t coming.

Republicans attuned to conservative third-party efforts say that with less than two weeks to go until Election Day, the prospects for any 11th-hour, anti-Obama ad campaigns are highly unlikely.

Many in the party, including inside the McCain campaign, have held out hope that a deep-pocketed benefactor would emerge to bankroll ads in the campaign’s final days — spots that might, for example, resurrect the most incendiary clips from the Rev. Jeremiah Wright.

But thanks largely to lack of passion for McCain within the conservative base, diminished hopes that he can win and a sharp decline in the stock market that has badly pinched donors’ pockets, veteran Republican operatives say it appears almost certain that what could be the most damaging line of attack against the Democratic nominee will be left on the shelf.

“It’s Oct. 21, and if you can’t say it by Oct. 21, then chances are you’re not going to say anything,” said Chris LaCivita, the strategist behind the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth in 2004. LaCivita has been working for a new conservative third-party group this year, the American Issues Project.

That group, known in the political community as AIP, was eyed by some in the GOP as a potential major player in taking on Obama. It spent nearly $3 million in key states in August on a tough ad tying the Illinois senator to ’60s-era domestic terrorist William Ayers and promised additional spots in the fall campaign.

That never happened.

“Donors just weren’t willing to give the money,” explains LaCivita. “They were hurt badly in the market crash and they were always concerned about how McCain would react.”

The timing of the financial crisis couldn’t have been worse for Republicans. When Lehman Brothers went under on Sept. 15, McCain was tied or in the margin of error in national polls. But when his poll numbers fell along with the stock market, wealthy conservatives saw little reason to invest their shrunken holdings on what was far from a sure thing.

“Republican donors, at the end of day, aren’t stupid,” said another Republican familiar with third-party activities this cycle. “They’re not going to throw good money after bad.”

And it wasn’t just the economic bad news — McCain did little to help his own cause.

Two Republican sources involved in third-party groups said the Arizona senator’s second debate performance in early October, a pivotal moment in the campaign when he and running mate Sarah Palin had begun to ratchet up their attacks, was deflating to some donors.

These sources said that after McCain didn’t use the Nashville debate to aggressively go after Obama, one prominent conservative financier remarked: “I’m not going to bother investing anymore.”

And donors were always fearful they would be rebuked by their party’s notoriously unpredictable nominee if they underwrote a major effort.

“McCain never gave a real wink and said, ‘Go ahead, boys,’” explained one operative close to a third-party group this year.

Another GOP strategist lamented that McCain lacked a core group of rich friends who were willing to part with their money. Harold Simmons, a Dallas billionaire, underwrote the entire cost of the initial Ayers ad for AIP — but his investment wasn’t matched by other wealthy Republicans.

“In 2004, Bush had a cadre of donors who wanted to see him succeed,” said this source, citing “oil guys.”

“But McCain doesn’t have that, and this is where it really hurts.”

 

One of those oil guys was T. Boone Pickens. But Pickens, who played a major role in funding the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth, sat out this race, preferring to spend his money promoting a massive clean energy campaign.

For most of the donor pool for a robust third-party effort, this cycle appears to have come down to dollars and cents. Many, like Las Vegas casino mogul Sheldon Adelson, saw their portfolios slide, reducing their interest greatly in practicing their political hobby on the side.

Adelson had been counted on as the chief benefactor of Freedom’s Watch, a group originally billed as the right-wing equivalent of MoveOn.org.

But sources say Adelson has pulled the plug on the group, and that it will only wind up spending $25 million to $30 million this cycle — a far cry from their original vision.

Freedom’s Watch had to greatly scale back its ambitions, never aired a single ad in the presidential race and has an uncertain future after the election.

In another contrast with 2004 and the Swift Boat Veterans, there was never money lined up in advance to fund a serious effort against Obama.

“You’ve got to have a sustained campaign,” said Greg Mueller, a conservative GOP strategist who did the PR for the Swift Boat operation, noting that it went up in late-July and stayed on the air. “On either side that never really materialized. Everybody was sort of nibbling around edges.”

Another operative close to third-party groups said part of the problem was what didn’t happen after AIP broadcast its Ayers ad in August.

The media coverage of the spot, which begin airing during the Democratic convention, was far less pointed than had been expected, depriving conservatives of the sort of echo effect they enjoyed against John F. Kerry in 2004.

“It’s about spurring the mainstream media to do the right thing,” said this source, meaning to drive both free replays of the ads and subsequent stories about the underlying charges being made. “The media did cover the fact that, hey, maybe John Kerry wasn’t completely honest about his service in Vietnam.”

But the Ayers ad got little pickup, overwhelmed by Obama’s stadium acceptance speech, McCain’s shocking selection of Sarah Palin and then the Republican convention.

“It’s like an initial stock offering. If it doesn’t make somewhat of a run, people aren’t as quick to invest in the next one.”

There will be some additional anti-Obama spots aired before Election Day. Mueller promised another wave of ads for clients targeting the Democrat on judicial issues and abortion.

And there remains the remote possibility that a wealthy Republican will emerge to put down some cash in the final days.

“Some guy could wake up and call me and say, ‘Here is $20 million,’” LaCivita said. “But I don’t see it happening.”

And in a matter of days, that won’t be possible.

An operative working for a third-party group said they were told by Denver stations — where candidates and outside groups are airing ads in competitive presidential, senatorial and congressional races — a week ago to get in their buys because there were not going to be slots available much longer.

“They said, ‘Get in your orders through the election,’” said this source.

“Time is drying up but not gone,” said Evan Tracey, who heads the ad-monitoring Campaign Media Analysis Group. “For ads to work, they need repetition, so if anyone is going to get involved, they either need a very strong (and unique) message or some kind of national footprint to have any impact.”

By law, campaigns are not allowed to coordinate with outside entities. But McCain aides don’t seem hopeful that help is on the way or interested in sending any signals.

“I have no idea what’s going on with third-party groups,” is all Rick Davis, McCain’s campaign manager, would say this week.



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State of Eritrea ሃገረ ኤርትራ Hagere Ertra دولة إرتريا Dawlat Iritrīya

Anthem: Ertra, Ertra, Ertra Eritrea, Eritrea, Eritrea

Capital (and largest city) Asmara 15°20′N 38°55′E / 15.333°N 38.917°E / 15.333; 38.917

Official language(s) Tigrinya, Arabic, English Other languages Tigre, Saho, Bilen, Afar, Kunama, Nara, Hedareb,.

Ethnic groups 60% Tigrinya, 30% Tigre, 4% Afar, 3% Saho, 3% Kunama

Demonym Eritrean Government Provisional government - President Isaias Afewerki

Independence - From Italy November 1941 - From United Kingdom under UN Mandate 1951 - from Ethiopia de facto 24 May 1991 - From Ethiopia de jure 24 May 1993

Area - Total 117,600 km2 (100th) 45,405 sq mi - Water (%) 0.14%

Population - 2009 estimate 5,224,000[4] (109th) - 2008 census 5,291,370 - Density 43.1/km2 (165th) 111.7/sq mi

GDP (PPP) 2010 estimate - Total $3.625 billion[5] - Per capita $681[5] GDP (nominal) 2010 estimate - Total $2.117 billion[5] - Per capita $397[5] HDI (2007) steady 0.472 (low) (165th) Currency Nakfa (ERN)

Time zone EAT (UTC+3) - Summer (DST) not observed (UTC+3) Drives on the right ISO 3166 code ER Internet TLD .er Calling code 291 1 ,. National TV: Eritrea Television (ERI-TV)

Eritrea (play /ˌɛrɨˈtreɪ.ə/ or /ˌɛrɨˈtriːə/;[6] Ge'ez: ኤርትራ ʾErtrā, Arabic: إرتريا Iritrīyā), officially the State of Eritrea, is a country in the Horn of Africa. The capital is Asmara. It is bordered by Sudan in the west, Ethiopia in the south, and Djibouti in the southeast. The northeast and east of the country has an extensive coastline on the Red Sea, directly across from Saudi Arabia and Yemen. The Dahlak Archipelago and several of the Hanish Islands are part of Eritrea. Eritrea's size is approximately 117,600 km2 (45,406 sq mi) with an estimated population of 6 million...

Source: Wikipedia


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